Olu Allen
Let me state this without ambiguity:
If it is true that Nigeria deployed troops into Benin Republic without first securing National Assembly approval, then we have stepped into dangerous constitutional waters.
Section 5(4) of the 1999 Constitution is unmistakable: the President cannot declare or commit the nation to war without the Senate’s consent.
Even the seven-day window for post-facto approval exists as a democratic circuit breaker, a reminder that the military must always remain under civilian oversight. Ignore that safeguard today, and tomorrow the law becomes a decoration instead of a boundary.
As ECOWAS Chairman, President Tinubu also carries a regional obligation.
The 1999 ECOWAS Conflict Prevention and Peacekeeping Protocol demands collective decision-making before any military action.
No member state, not even the largest, has the legal or moral right to act alone. Leadership of a regional bloc requires consensus, legitimacy and coalition-building, not unilateral adventures.
And before anyone mislabels caution as cowardice, let’s be clear:
Patriotism is not the noise you make, it is the discipline you uphold.
A nation that swings its weight without restraint becomes a bully.
A leader who ignores due process becomes a liability.
And a region already drowning in instability does not need another spark thrown on dry grass.
Let’s not pretend the geopolitical climate is normal.
Francophone states are realigning.
External actors, from Wagner-linked networks to old colonial interests, are exploiting every crack.
Public distrust of both Western and regional institutions is at an all-time high.
In such an environment, an unsanctioned intervention by Nigeria doesn’t just widen the cracks, it hands ammunition to those eager to brand us a hegemon or a proxy.
Yes, the coup attempt in Benin is disturbing.
Yes, democracy must be defended.
But military intervention must remain the very last option, only after diplomacy, negotiation, and collective ECOWAS action have been fully exhausted.
Because once war begins, it follows its own savage logic.
It does not stop for constitutional debates.
It does not wait for humanitarian corridors.
Its consequences, refugees, economic collapse, radicalisation, will not respect borders.
Let’s be honest with ourselves: West Africa cannot afford even a small war.
We are still recovering from the economic shocks of COVID-19, food insecurity, currency devaluation, and internal insurgencies. Our societies are stretched thin. Another conflict could break what is left.
So my position is simple and unwavering:
I stand firmly against unconstitutional changes of government.
I stand firmly for regional peace and democratic stability.
But I will never support actions that make Nigeria violate its own constitution, bypass its legislature, or behave like a lone ranger in a volatile region.
If Nigeria must act, then:
Let it be LAWFUL, with full constitutional compliance.
Let it be COLLECTIVE, through a clearly mandated ECOWAS decision.
Let it be WISE, aimed at de-escalation, not provocation.
Nigeria must lead, yes.
But leadership is not recklessness.
It is restraint.
It is legitimacy.
It is the courage to choose peace when others beat the drums of war.
History is rarely kind to those who start fires.
Its harshest judgment falls on those who ignored the cracks, dismissed the warnings, and let an entire region burn because they mistook haste for strength.
Allen is a writer and educator who writes in public affairs and promote good and strategic governay.
