Home Columns Power struggle and Elite dynamics in the North: Can somebody tell me how Islamization fits into the equation?

Power struggle and Elite dynamics in the North: Can somebody tell me how Islamization fits into the equation?

by Ahmed Yahaya Joe
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By Ahmed Joe

 In 1975, 19-year-old Muhammad Sa’adu Abubakar stood before an armed forces selection board at NDA. He was asked, “If you have to choose between being a general in the army and the Sultan of Sokoto which would you choose?”

The young man quickly answered, “The army”. Back then, Brigadier Iliya Bisalla was commandant that finally endorsed the prince’s selection reportedly nicknaming him, “Sarki-Sarki”.

By November 2, 2006 the armoured corps officer who had participated in the ousting of Buhari in 1985 opted to be Sultan. OBJ nevertheless promoted him to the rank of a one-star general before approving his retirement. I shall endeavor to return to His Eminence in my conclusion.

Every photograph tells a story. That of this throwback picture is more about the gentleman on the right, Captain Aliyu Mohammed Gusau and the officer in the center, Major Muhammadu Buhari. The other officer in the picture is Captain Dahiru Halilu, on the far left.

Only through careful reading of the complex inter-relationships among power brokers in our nation’s recurring intra-class conflict can we determine whether or not if there is really an Islamization agenda in Nigeria.

There is however more evidence to show that there are only two religions in Nigeria – the Haves and the Have-nots. There are also only two ethnicities – the elites and the rest.

In his own words Gusau reflects on his onetime Head Boy and former Commander in Chief, “We were enrolled into Katsina Provincial Secondary School in January 1960, the year of independence. And we met General Buhari, at that time when they were in form five. I stayed two years with General Buhari at the school. Buhari had leadership qualities since secondary school; in form five, he was a House Prefect. By 1961, he was chosen to be the Head Boy of the School.”

Gusau, a member of NDA’s Course 1 commissioned in 1967 has never anywhere publicly betrayed any hint of personal hostility against his erstwhile senior.

However on his own part Buhari reflects on his junior, “I learnt, that Aliyu Gusau, who was in charge of intelligence, took import licence from the ministry of commerce which was in charge of supplies and gave it to Alhaji Mai Deribe.

“It was worth N100,000, a lot of money at that time. I confronted them and took the case to the Army council in a memo. I wanted Gusau punished.”

 Gusau was indeed punished for financing the coup that ironically brought Buhari to power in the first place. Gusau’s dismissal was carried out by office of the Military Secretary which was under Colonel Rabi’u Aliyu.

At that moment, Colonel Rabi’u Aliyu was on vacation and therefore one of his assistants, the Deputy Military Secretary II, Lieutenant Colonel Bashir Salihi Magashi was directly ordered by Buhari to officially complete the task as then Army chief, IBB foot dragged over the matter. Aliyu was Gusau’s NDA course mate and Magashi is currently Defence minister under PMB.

Rtd. Major Al Mustapha Jokolo who was Buhari’s ADC further elaborates on the money trail by factoring in Rtd. Colonel Sambo Dasuki;

“If I had not brought him in this thing (1983 coup plot), it could not have happened with Buhari being Head of State. It was Sambo Dasuki who facilitated it. I only suggested it.

“Even when we were planning the coup that saw Buhari as Head of State, Sambo Dasuki was the one who was getting money for us from Aliyu Gusau and Chief of Army Staff votes to help the coup plot because not a single Kobo did we get from Buhari.

“Not only that, he used his father’s money to sponsor some Mallams to go to Saudi Arabia to help pray for the success of the coup.”

The aftermath of Buhari’s move against Gusau culminated into a palace coup. The recollection of the current Emir of Gwandu, Iliyasu Bashar is instructive,

 “This development seriously irritated many senior army officers who risked their lives in plotting the coup that brought Buhari into power. Consequently, the sacking of Aliyu Gusau created a division among members of the SMC.

One group which was few in number was vehemently supporting the position taken by the Head of State, Muhammadu Buhari, while the others supported the Chief of Army Staff, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida who was the moving spirit of the 1983 coup that brought Buhari to power.”

Bashar’s perspective is contained in, “Major General Muhammadu Iliyasu Bashar, CFR (MD Jega), the 20th Emir of Gwandu” written by Usman Dalhatu (2018)

Upon his dismisal by Buhari, Gusau was replaced as DMI czar by Lieutenant Colonel Haliru Akilu, a Grade 1 Staff Officer under him. He however continued his studies at the prestigious Royal Defence College in the United Kingdom.

He was reinstated back to service by IBB having returned to Nigeria on August 27, 1985 as head of the NSO later SSS now DSS effectively taking over from Ambassador Mohammed Lawal Rafindadi who had provided the evidence against him to Buhari.

He would rise to be GOC 2 Mechanised Division in Ibadan, Chief of Administration, Defence Headquarters and Commandant of the NDA, Kaduna from February 1992 to January 1993 eventually becoming Chief of Army Staff in 1993.

During the ensuing period, on the board of the now rested, Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) sat then Baraden Sokoto Ibrahim Dasuki, Ambassador Rafindadi and Malam Mamman Daura.

 Sambo is brother in-law to not only Gusau but Rafindadi and Daura. All of these persons were stakeholders and major beneficiaries of removing Turakin Sokoto, President Shehu Shagari from power.

On August 26, 1985;

 “Both Major Jokolo (ADC to the C-in-C) and Col. Sabo Aliyu (Commander, Brigade of Guards) kept shuttling or calling back and forth between Ikoyi, Victoria Island and Ikeja seeking information and checking on the status of units, unaware that they were being monitored.

 Just after 9pm, riding together in Jokolo’s car, on a trip to Ikeja Cantonment, uncomfortably close in time to H-Hour, they were arrested at the gate by soldiers and subalterns from units under Majors John Yahaya Madaki and Maxwell Khobe, stripped and severely beaten. In fact, shots were fired at (Jokolo’s) Mercedes and its tires deflated.

They were later taken and kept at the Officers Quarters in Bonny Camp – a makeshift transit detention point where, thereafter, they were joined by General Buhari, Ambassador Rafindadi and General Idiagbon, when the latter returned to the country from Mecca a few days later.”

However by May 12, 2019 the same Jokolo would declare to the Hausa service of Radio France International;

“You know I have worked with President Buhari twice; when he was Governor of North Eastern State and as Head of State. This is not the Buhari that I knew.

He should remember he took an oath to protect the interest of all the people and he knows the consequence of the failure not to keep to that solemn oath.

So, we all should know that none of us can escape the wrath of God, if we trample on the rights of the people.”

Recently, President Buhari became extended family related to the seat of the caliphate. General Sa’adu’s wife is the elder sister to Yusuf Buhari bride’s mother. Both from the revered Imam Galadanchi family of Kano that includes IBB staunch loyalist Rtd. Air Marshal Nura Imam and Sheikh Shehu presently Chief Imam and Administrator, National Mosque in Abuja.

This has however not stopped the Sultan of Sokoto more recently stating, “Let us not deceive ourselves that things are alright, things are not alright. Now things are really very bad. It doesn’t take anybody to know that Nigeria is in a very bad situation and it is a fact.”

Meanwhile, Bisalla is the late father in-law of current House Speaker Femi Gbajabiamila. Gusau would eventually serve as National Security Adsiver to OBJ and Goodluck Jonathan.

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