Ahmed Yahaya – Joe
Jos is one of the most studied cities in Nigeria. The attached grainy Black & White picture is dated 1905. From the same spot more than 100 years later the Colored version captures the phenomenal growth and expansion of the Tin City in all its present-day manifestation. But beyond rocky horizon and the valley of habitation are deeply entrenched inter communal battlefields.
Over the years in my modest archives I have accumulated hard and PDF copies of among others, “Intergroup Relations in a Nigerian City: A Historical Analysis of the Jos Conflict (2013)” by Jacinta Nwaka, “Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Jos Plateau Regions in the 19th and 20th Centuries: In Search for a Comparative Framework (2007)” by Sati Umaru Fwatshak, “Religion, the Settlers Question and the Emergence of Ethnic Conflicts in Nigeria: A Survey of Jos (2001)” by SD Mwadkwom, “Ethnicity and Political Conflicts in Jos: Emergence, Dimensions and the Way Forward (1998)” by Pam Dung Sha including “The History, Ownership, Establishment of Jos and Misconceptions about the Recurrent Jos Conflicts” by PIDAN Publications (2010)
While these and other treatises are just a tip of the Plateau iceberg, none can adequately explain the recent cause of the horrific events in Jos and environs that started with the wanton scorched earth attacks and genocide against the Irigwe neighbors of the Third Armoured Division cantonment culminating in the reprisals meted out on Ondo state bound passengers from Bauchi.
How did the hometown of the now rested “Mighty Jets” degenerate into a cosmopolitan conundrum? Over the decades the Jos Township Stadium had been a proving ground for various generations of soccer stars the likes of Ismaila Mabo, Segun Odegbami, Ogenyi Onazi, Ahmed Musa and Mikel Obi.
Even onetime British Prime Minister, John Major fondly mentions his halcyon stay at Jos in his 1999 memoirs.
Therefore any attempt to understand recent events on the Plateau should not discount the detailed warning on the inherent potential for conflict acknowledged by the Resident of Jos, who stated that the rapid growth of the erstwhile Jos Division, might likely lead to contention over land between “natives” and “settler” groups in the future.
See details in: 104 EAP532/1/20/7 Bauchi Province Annual Report (1919)
Jos Division now Plateau North senatorial zone, geographically elevated was historically unconquerable by the forces of Sokoto Caliphate during the upheaval of the early 19th century. Curiously, by 1906 the British would bring it under the aegis of the Bauchi Native Authority and suzerainty of Emir Hasan dan Mamudu who appointed his brother, Bunu Abdulkadir as the first District Head.
There were 13 Bauchi emissaries overseeing the highly prized “Gunduma” including a number of those referred to as “Sarkin Bukuru” till 1947 when Da Rwang Pam became the first Berom paramount leader. The British created stool is now occupied by Da Jacob Buba Gyang, onetime Comptroller-General of the Nigerian Customs Service (2004-2008)
With the rapid Hausanization of the former Jos Divison under Bauchi by 1912, a British colonial government publication described Jos as a, “Hausa settlement” since then making the battle for the soul of Jos chiefly centered around the control of the Irish Potato value chain.
While crop has been farmed by the “natives”, the “settlers” have always dictated the price and determined distribution to other parts of Nigeria. That is why over time Jos and environs became a city torn apart by the politics of identity and market forces with fatal consequences.
When the Plateau Province was created out of Bauchi in 1926 it had already become the capital of the Christian North because it has always been a hospitable haven due to its ideal weather for various foreign Missionary forward operating bases.
The same enabling environment was equally conducive for the Salafist inspired Izala sect or Jama’atu Izalatil Bid’ah Wa Iqamatus Sunnah (Society of Removal of Innovation and Re-establishment of the Sunnah), also called JIBWIS was established at Jos in 1978 by Sheikh Samaila Idris (1937-2000), a retired Army officer. The grand patron, Sheikh Abubakar Gumi (1924-1992) however remained in Kaduna.
How can the fiery cyclic phenomenon of ethnic and religious attacks in Jos and indeed elsewhere in Nigeria be quenched?
First, we have to start by carefully understanding elite dynamics in our country. Nigerians must endeavour to be conscientious students of history constantly understudying the rhythms and patterns of political power lest we become pawns of manipulation. Which is, “essentially controlling the action of a person or group without that person or group knowing the goals, purpose and method of that control and without even being aware that a form of control is being exercised on them at all.”
Second, there should be no “stranger” anywhere in Nigeria from Sokoto to Calabar and from Badagry to Lake Chad. Agreed, it is not only in Jos that there is a long-drawn indigene/settler dichotomy. All over our nation there seems to a resenting question of, “Why should these strangers come to our land and become more prosperous than us?”
Third, leaders in our nation must be held accountable. Unfortunately, “we are generally hypocrites in Nigeria because ours is a nation where religion is more associated with individual piety than social responsibility.
Thus, a member of Nigeria’s elite class irrespective of ethnicity or religion that corruptly enriches himself through abuse of public office but contributes to religious coffers is considered a good Muslim or Christian and treated with respect rather than like the common thief that he is.”
May peace reign on the Plateau.
